There is only one po-
Abstract
In the present paper I argue that, in Czech, all occurrences of po- that contain some notion of small quantity are in fact instantiations of a single prefix, so called delimitative po- (analyzed as containing an extensive measure function, following Filip (e.g. 2000)), though it might not seem to be the case at first sight. In order to do that, I first demonstrate that there is no need to have more po-'s (hence, the unifying analysis is superior); and second, I try to show that the po- that attaches to quantized and the one attaching to non-quantized predicates can be unified, too (i.e. there is no need of any homogeneity requirement for extensive measure functions).
Keywords
Slavic, morphosyntax, semantics, prefixes, imperfective, perfective, superlexical prefix, lexical prefix, Czech, measure, degree, extensive measure function